Tagged: government

Rwanda Begins Process of Issuing Passports to Former Rwandan Refugees


GOVERNMENT OF RWANDA

26. 11. 2013

Kigali — Rwanda has launched the process of application for passports for Rwandan refugees who lost their refugee status as of June 30, 2013. The cessation clause was invoked because the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) deemed Rwanda safe for refugees who left Rwanda between 1959 and 1998 to return.

The process was launched last week in Zambia where over 4,000 Rwandan refugees can now apply for a Rwandan passport. The coming into effect of Cessation Clause left concerned Rwandan refugees with three options including: voluntary repatriation, local integration in the countries of asylum and application for exemption procedures.

While voluntary repatriation remains a priority, the government will issue national passports to Rwandan refugees who opt for local integration due to socio-economic ties they have established within their countries of asylum.

“We realise that some refugees have ties for example through marriage that would make it difficult for them to return to Rwanda. In this case, the government has made it possible for them to acquire passports so they gain legal status in those countries,” said Seraphine Mukantabana, Minister in charge of Refugee Affairs.

Zambian Government commends the initiative

In his remarks on the occasion of the launch of the Rwandan national passport application process, Zambian Deputy Minister of Home Affairs, Stephen Kampyongo, commended the Government of Rwanda for making it easy for former refugees to acquire national passports while in Zambia and urged former Rwandan refugees who lost their status to acquire passports in order to legally be allowed to stay in Zambia.

“This for us is important because for the local integration to work in this country especially by way of Immigration Permits, possession of the National passport is a legal requirement,” said Mr. Kampyongo

From July to September 2013, 1399 Rwandan refugees have been repatriated from different countries.

The process of application for national passports for former Rwandan refugees launched in Zambia is expected to be extended into other countries, starting by countries hosting the largest number of Rwandan refugees affected by the Cessation Clause.

 

Source: allafrica.com

Foreign Minister Mushikiwabo tells UN during debate on Eastern DRC: Enough words — it’s time for action


Statement by H.E. Louise Mushikiwabo, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation at the Security Council Debate on the Situation in the Great Lakes Region

Source: Minister of Foreign Affairs Cooperation (Rwanda)

New York, 25 July 2013 —   Secretary Kerry, Honourable Ministers, Excellencies and Distinguished Delegates,   Let me begin by thanking the US and Secretary Kerry for convening this most important debate in support of the Peace, Security and Cooperation (PSC) Framework and for the Presidential Statement just adopted. Allow me also to thank the Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon for his statement as well as the World Bank President, Dr. Jim Yong Kim, and Special Envoy for the Great Lakes Region of Africa, Mary Robinson for their valued contributions and briefings. Taken together, their extraordinary efforts, exhausting travel schedules and financial commitments to regional development priorities amply demonstrate their sincere commitment to the Peace, Security, and Cooperation Framework- a visionary, comprehensive and inclusive strategy to end decades of conflict and instability in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. I also thank AU Commissioner Ramtane Lamamra for his revealing briefing on regional efforts undertaken towards finding peace in the Great Lakes Region.

Let me also acknowledge the presence of Honourable Ministers from countries of the region and from fellow Council members.

Rwanda warmly welcomes the new Special Envoy of the US to the Great Lakes Region and the new SRSG and Force Commander of MONUSCO. Together, with Special Envoy, Mary Robison, I wish to assure you of Rwanda’s total collaboration.
Mr. President,

Rwanda is very pleased and supports the Presidential Statement; we nonetheless believe it could have been strengthened by including ongoing regional efforts, particularly in support of the Kampala peace talks established under the auspices of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region. Indeed, we urge the UN’s Special Envoy, Mary Robinson, to play an active part in seeing through the Kampala talks without much further delay. Her engagement would be a welcome and helpful contribution.

We have gathered today out of a shared determination to make peace in the Great Lakes Region a lasting reality. Having endured devastating conflict within our own borders nearly two decades ago, the people of Rwanda have worked tirelessly to rebuild a peaceful and thriving nation but we are also very aware that our destiny is inextricably tied to that of our neighbors.

Let me put it in the clearest possible terms: in order to secure long-term peace and prosperity for Rwanda into the future, we need a peaceful and prosperous DRC. As long as conditions persist that allow more than thirty rebel groups to roam in Eastern DRC with impunity — or as long as men and boys see nothing in their futures beyond crime, violence and conflict — such a transformation will remain beyond reach.  The Framework of Hope, along with regional peace efforts, opens the door to that kind of profound and necessary change. Rwanda is eager to do its part and live up to its commitments – as a neighbor and a regional partner, as well as through the Framework agreement.

Allow me to lay out some concrete actions of my government has taken so far:

We have disarmed, interned and relocated away from the DRC border more than 600 M23 combatants who crossed into Rwanda as a result of infighting in March 2013. In his report dated June 28th, the Secretary-General commended Rwanda for the positive role it played in disarming Bosco Ntaganda’s troops. We have asked the United Nations to take responsibility for these combatants. It is important to note that Rwanda cannot bear this burden alone. We invite the international community to devise and implement a long-term solution for this group of former combatants.  Rwanda has also worked with the UN to accommodate roughly 70,000 Congolese nationals who have sought refuge in Rwanda, and to take the necessary steps to ensure their safe return home as soon as possible.

In addition, as the Secretary General mentioned in his report on the implementation of the PSC Framework, the Government of Rwanda reported the presence of several high-ranking M23 members who crossed the border from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to seek refuge in Rwanda, including UN Sanctioned individuals.

When M23 leader General Bosco Ntaganda surrendered to the U.S. Embassy in Kigali on March 18th, Rwandan authorities offered facilitation for his transfer to The Hague.

We can all agree that the economic components of the Framework must be implemented alongside its political and security aspects. To that end, Rwanda is working to boost regional cooperation through enhanced economic integration and close collaboration in cross-border trade.
Just last month, Rwanda mining authorities seized 8.4 metric tons of smuggled minerals and are in the process of returning them to DRC authorities, as has been our practice in the past.

We are also exploring several other opportunities for economic cooperation including a strategic bilateral project with the DRC on Lake Kivu.

Finally, Rwanda supported and has been facilitating the deployment of the Intervention Brigade. We did so because we believe that it could help pacify the region, and serve as a deterrent thereby allow MONUSCO to carry out its Protection of Civilians responsibility and, critically, create the space necessary to implement the Peace and Security Framework as well as for regional peace efforts.

Mr. President,

But as Special Envoy Mary Robinson has stressed in the past, the Framework is a shared endeavour and its success depends on each party living up to their respective commitments.

Rwanda is one of the eleven countries who make up the Expanded Joint Verification Mechanism (EJVM), by which developments in conflict-affected areas are examined thoroughly and with transparency and accountability. We therefore urge the Security Council to attach value to the work of the EJVM, and for their findings to inform the decisions we reach and resolutions we agree to.

On the recent FDLR-FARDC collusion, Rwanda remains seriously concerned.  The Security Council received a letter (document S/2013/402) from my Government with details, so I will not repeat the specifics today. Nevertheless, Rwanda requests concerned parties to halt any further threats to its territory and its population such as the recent bombing into Rubavu district from the DRC territory. Nor can the peace process withstand destructive military alliances.

While Rwanda views any alliance between the FDLR and FARDC as a threat to regional security, we will not allow these disturbing developments to derail our commitment to peace.

Mr. President,

I cannot stress enough Rwanda’s goodwill and ongoing support for the Peace, Security, and Cooperation Framework. We believe it offers a realistic path to lasting peace and security for the people of the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Great Lakes region at large. But we must not veer off course, and we must understand that this vision is only achievable alongside regional peace initiatives, as well as genuine political will on the part of all affected states.

Further, the international peacekeeping force in the DRC is forging unchartered territory with the deployment of an Intervention Brigade as well as Unmanned Aerial Vehicles. UN peacekeepers must take great care to respect all relevant international laws, and adhere strictly to their mandate.

Since the consequences of instability in the Eastern DRC fall so heavily on Rwanda, we are eager to take full advantage of this historic opportunity for peace and security and, despite the serious risks I have outlined, we can see early signs of progress.

Mr. President,

A plan without action is just words, and, when it comes to the eastern DRC, there have been enough words. There has been enough speechifying and report writing. And there has been more than enough grandstanding, especially by unaccountable actors who seek profit and publicity from the region’s misery. It is time for such forces to move aside. This is the time for accountable parties to stand up and step forward. Now is the time for action.

Thank you.

——————————————————    N       O      T        E   —————————————————————

This statement was an answer to State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki announcement two days before Secretary of State John Kerry was  scheduled to chair a special session of the U.N. Security Council on the Great Lakes regional conflict. She said:

“We call upon Rwanda to immediately end any support to the M23, withdraw military personnel from eastern DRC, and follow through on its commitments under the framework,”

Read Article (Voice of America): “U.S Calls On Rwanda to End M23 Support”

Why President Kagame will not negotiate with FDLR


 

12. June 2013

 written by Jennifer Fierberg

Photo: Rwandan President Paul Kagame. Source: foreignpolicy.com

The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) remain a topic of much debate among those who research and spend time in the Great Lakes Region of Africa. There are a few schools of thought as to who this group is and what their motives are.

The first school of thought is the ‘official narrative’ provided by the Government of Rwanda which states that the FDLR planned out and committed genocide in 1994, fled into the DRC to live in refugee camps in order to escape persecution by the government that “stopped the genocide” and took power in Rwanda. Less than two years after the genocide the ruling party in Rwanda, the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF), invaded Eastern Congo in order to seek vengeance on these escaping ‘genocidaires’ and bring justice to them.

In contrast to the official report, Wikipedia states:

“The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda is the primary remnant Rwandan Hutu rebel group in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It is often referred to as simply the FDLR after its original French name: the Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda. It has been involved in fighting from its formation on 30 September 2000 throughout the last phase of the Second Congo War and the fighting which has continued since then. It is composed almost entirely of majority ethnic Hutus opposed to minority Tutsi rule and influence in the region. The FDLR was formed after negotiations between the Army for the Liberation of Rwanda and the remnant Hutu military command agreed that the ALiR be dissolved. Paul Rwarakabije was appointed commander in chief of the entire force, but ALiR had to accept the political leadership of the FDLR.”

On May 26th 2013, during the 21st African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, the President of Tanzania, Kikwete, advised the President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, to negotiate with the FDLR in order to stop the 16 years of war that this situation has created. President Kagame did not respond himself rather his Minister of Foreign Affairs, Louise Mushikiwabo, stated “they would not negotiate with a terrorist group,” and demanded an apology from President Kikwete. A spokesperson for the government of Tanzania stated in reply to a request for an apology that, “President Kikwete will not apologise because his statement was based on facts. We ask Rwanda to take this advice. Our President cannot apologise for the truth.”

The FDLR published a press release in response to President Kikwete’s request and stated in part:

“The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) are rejoicing and firmly support His Excellency Mr Jakaya Mrisho KIKWETE, Tanzanian President’s proposition of setting about global and pacific solutions of the conflicts which have been prevailing up to date within the African Great Lakes region in general and the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in particular; which proposition suggests a resolution by means and ways of organizing relevant dialogues between all the involved warring parties.”

The decision to seek peace seems to remain in the hands of President Kagame, yet he has emphatically stated that he will not negotiate with the FDLR under any circumstances. There has been a long war in Eastern DRC at the hands of Paul Kagame and his endless quest for “justice” against the FDLR. If there remain members of the FDLR who committed genocide in 1994 they would be a least 50 years of age now. It would appear that Kagame’s motives are out of vengeance rather than justice.

Ironically, in 1993 Paul Kagame and his rebel group, the RPA, were in the midst of negotiations with the then President of Rwanda Juvenal Habyarimana, in Arusha, Tanzania in order to reach and sign a joint power sharing agreement. Paul Kagame was leading a group of Tutsi refugees who were returning home to Rwanda. These negotiations were to provide a path for peaceful return. On April 6, 1994 President Habyarimana was returning home by plane after having just signed a power sharing agreement to incorporate the RPF into the government when his plane was shot out of the sky on the orders of Paul Kagame and his rebels triggering the 1994 genocide.

Sharing power with the previous government of Rwanda was not enough for Paul Kagame; he wanted total power which he seized in the weeks following the assassination of President Habyarimana.

For President Kagame to negotiate with the FDLR and come to an agreement then he would be giving up his strangle hold on Eastern DRC thereby giving up his unlimited access to the minerals and other geostrategic interests keeping his pockets lined and full. Peace in Eastern DRC means there is no need for Rwanda to be in Eastern DRC. Since the government of Rwanda has stated that “Peace in Eastern DRC is in the best interest of the region”, President Kagame should be willing to prove that by negotiating for that peace through talks with the FDLR.

Time will tell whether history will repeat itself in Rwanda or if the trajectory of this country will change resulting in peace in The Great Lakes Region of Africa.

Source: Inyenyeri News

RWANDA DAY: Delivering Prosperity


Brussels

There are only three days left until thousands of Rwandans from all over the world gather together for this year’s

RWANDA DAY

to reaffirm their core national value of Agaciro ( Delivering Prosperity)

For the forth time, after past events held in Brussels, Chicago, Paris and last year in Boston, Rwanda Day brings together Rwandan’s diaspora, friends of Rwanda, culturally interested persons, investors, business men and ladies, short:  Numbers of people with different backgrounds to celebrate and illustrate the country’s progress and problems and discuss ways of being part of Rwanda’s social-economic transformation.

An interactive panel with young professionals and entrepreneurs from Rwanda and abroad will discuss the country’s development goals, business environment and opportunities available for those wanting to be part of a country on the move.

An exhibition featuring Rwandan banks and real estate businesses will provide the chance for Rwandans living abroad to learn about financial services, including sending back remittances, and investing in the property market. A selection of companies showcasing Rwandan products will also attend.

Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame is the Guest of Honor and will participate in an open interactive question and answer session with attendees.

The registrations will only end in two days:

REGISTER NOW

Watch video:

President Kagame Rwanda Day Boston 2012

Source: rwandaday.org

Africa must build and maintain its infrastructure


 – Sunday 12 May 2013.

Commentary

By J Boima Rogers, Oxford, UK.

Introduction

A recent report stated that seven African countries were projected to be among the top ten fastest growing economies in the world in 2013. This is an impressive record that the continent should be proud of but it fails to highlight some important issues. Firstly, African countries have exhibited the highest variation in economic growth rates, so while 2013 may be a good year, some of those countries may well record minimal or even negative growth rates in 2014. Secondly, these growth rates are fuelled by the demand for raw materials, as China and some other fast growing economies pick up from the recession.

African countries continue to remain at the lowest level in the food chain where variability is high and their take of finished products is miniscule. Africa has lost market share in world trade, from 6% of world trade in 1980 to its current share of only 3%. In order for these countries to minimize variability, move up the food chain, improve their market share and bargaining positions in trade and ensure that economic growth filters through the various parts of their communities, the continent needs to build and expand its infrastructure. This should include the physical, educational, governance and regional infrastructure. The continent possesses considerable natural resources that can be used in its infrastructure, the measures required are not insurmountable and indeed some are quite basic. Africa’s trading partners, aid donors and non-government organisations must play a role in this process. African leaders must realise that improving the infrastructure will attract investment, generate economic growth and political stability and secure their positions.

An anecdote highlights the importance of the infrastructure. In response to recent accusations of military aggression in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Rwandan government stated that the problem in Congo was the lack of basic infrastructure which caused its people to revolt against its leaders. It is bizarre that Rwanda, a country that has only 1% of the area and 15% of the population of Congo should be an aggressor. Congo with an abundance of minerals and huge agricultural potential is in such a sorry state that it can be threatened by its much smaller neighbour. A tiny country with minimal natural resources which has made great strides in developing its infrastructure is being accused of aggression by a huge country teeming with natural resources because the bigger country’s infrastructure is largely non-existent.

Physical Infrastructure

The only way that the continent can attract and maintain investment is by building and maintaining its physical infrastructure, namely, ports, rail and road networks, airports, power supplies and telecommunication. An analysis of the situation reveals the challenges facing the continent.

A review of ports, the gateways where the bulk of imports and exports pass into and out of the continent shows that much work needs to be done. The dwell times, that is average waiting times for ships is four days for European ports and berth productivity is 25 moves per hour compared to four days and 40 moves for African ports. High dwell times result in high congestion levels and make African ports less competitive. Customs delays for the continent are three and a half times what they are in Europe. The time spent in ports as a percentage of total transport time in Africa is four times that of East Asian ports. African ports have failed to invest in new equipment, notably, on equipment to handle large ships and in container facilities, consequently only small ships can call in many ports and many cannot handle containerized cargos, a fast growing mode of transportation. The continent also has some of the highest insurance charges. These conditions make African ports significantly more expensive for shippers, discourage ships from using them and for many ports because only small vessels can be handled they miss out on the efficiencies that large ships can bring, ultimately, incurring higher shipping costs.

Roads and railways are the arteries in the economy. Farm to market roads are crucial in agricultural development. National road and railway networks are essential in moving goods and people within countries, between and outside the region. Roads which carry between 80-90% of freight and passengers within Africa are in a poor state and inadequate for the needs of the continent making transportation less efficient compared to other regions. A recent World Bank study revealed that rural Sub-Saharan Africa has only 34% of access (lands covered by roads) as compared to 90% in the rest of the world. The study found out that the average paved road density for countries in Sub-Saharan Africa was only a third that of the average for low-middle income countries as a whole. The poor state of roads, particularly secondary ones and the numerous check points on all roads increase the time it takes to travel and transport goods significantly. This is a major impediment to trade and development, with wastage of farm produce on the continent accounting for up to fifty percent of output.

The density of rail networks in Africa per land is lower than in other low income countries. A high proportion of them are very old, up to a hundred years, with low maintenance, in some cases tracks have deteriorated to a point of no return and some have gone out of service. The lack of repair and upgrade means they cannot compete against modern road networks. Railroads according to a recent report tend to have “low axle loads, low speeds, small scale, undercapitalized, and ill-suited to modern requirements”. Most of them are single tracks and are not electrified, with South Africa alone accounting for virtually all the electrified rail network. Africa has largely ignored this mode of transport that could play an important role in its transport network by giving businesses and passengers choice, removing transport bottlenecks and being an alternative cost effective transport mode if properly maintained and upgraded.

In comparison with countries of similar per capita income African countries are underendowed with airports, runways and passenger and freight terminals. The number of paved runways longer than 1,500 meters is 20% less (as a share of land area) than other low income countries. Many of the runways are unpaved. A study by Bofinger in 2009 found that twenty five percent of airports are in poor condition. Airport efficiencies, in terms of processing passengers and cargo are low and many airlines servicing those airports have poor safety records. The state of the aviation industry on the continent is a severe impediment in attracting business travelers, tourists and the development of air cargo.

With 3.1% of world power generation, Africa has the lowest electrification in the world. The Economic Commission for Africa reported that only 23% of the continent’s population has access to electricity, with unreliable supply, power rationing and unscheduled cuts. Installed capacity is equal to what China installs every two years. Installed capacity at 153 kilowatt-hour (kWh) per capita, excluding North Africa and South Africa, was only 6% of the global average in 2009. If we include North Africa and South Africa, per capita electricity consumption increases to only 23% of the global average. The average effective electricity tariff in Africa is US $0.14 per kWh, three and a half times the tariff in South Asia and double that for East Asia. Tariff rates would be even higher without subsidies by African countries of US $0.04 per kWh. The situation is really bizarre with some countries endowed with vast power resources having very low installed capacity and consumption per capita. The power generation industry in Africa is dominated by costly small-scale power systems. Subsidies for electricity have discouraged investments needed to expand capacity. The deficiencies in power supply are a major impediment in attracting investment into the continent. In a World Bank survey of 55 countries, 67 percent of firms cited electricity as a business constraint.

Telecommunications and ICT are important for competitiveness and productivity. While there have been significant improvements on the continent in mobile phone usage, the region lags behind other regions in terms of the number of fixed lines, internet usage and broad band installation.

Telecommunication/I

CT Indicators in 2012 (Millions)

Fixed Lines

Mobile Broadband

Fixed Broadband

Individual Internet connections

Africa

11

60

2

120

Arab States

35

53

10

124

Asia Pacific

525

625

275

1133

CIS

72

101

32

145

Europe

250

314

161

467

Americas

271

377

152

582

Source: International Telecom Union

The area where African countries have lagged behind very significantly is in fixed lines and fixed lines with broadband. Fixed lines are still the dominant and cheapest telephone system for businesses and the lack of this infrastructure is a serious impediment to business. African countries are not yet making full use of e-commerce systems. The limited use of information technology is due to inadequate, inefficient and very expensive telecommunications services; the inadequate development of fixed lines which is required by businesses providing such services is a major factor.

The educational and governance infrastructure

A major constraint to economic development on the continent is the poor state of the educational infrastructure. While great strides have been made in basic primary education, the continent is failing to set up and maintain educational systems that are conducive to economic growth, notably, in training a pool of workers proficient in maths, science and technical skills. The lack of trained technical staff and the high cost of services discourage investors who often have to bring in low level staff for many technical jobs. This is happening despite a mushrooming of universities in many countries.

The governance infrastructure is a major deterrent to investment. A clearly defined, consistent and transparent policy and legal framework and efficient civil service with minimal corruption are essential requirements for nurturing and attracting investment. Investors require clear and consistent regulations on property rights, taxation, labour and technical standards. While a lot of progress has been made since the 1990s in the democratic process, with many countries holding elections and attempts made to improve legal systems and reduce bloated civil service and corruption, usually under pressure from aid donors, it is still work in progress. High and in some cases endemic corruption, opaque and burdensome bureaucratic processes, unresponsive and inefficient bureaucracies and lack of clearly defined policies are still a major deterrent to investment in many countries.

It must be noted though that governance is not identical to democracy and many countries have attracted investments without going through the full democratic process. Some leaders who have presided over major developments in the infrastructure of their countries but would hardly be described as blue blooded democrats include Houphat Boigny in the Ivory Coast, William Tubman in Liberia, Jerry Rawlins in Ghana, Jomo Kenyata in Kenya and Paul Kagame in Rwanda. Indeed “democracy” as practiced in some cases has hindered investment in the infrastructure, in particular, it has increased the cost of governance to prohibitively high levels with little funds left for investment in the physical infrastructure. Kenyan parliamentarians have recently decided to get rid of the independent organisation that reduced their extremely generous salaries and perks and, have vowed to reinstate these extremely generous salaries and perks, which will mean fewer funds for investment in the physical infrastructure.

An International Finance Corporation report showing the ease of doing business in a country paints a grim picture, with most African countries languishing at the bottom of rankings. The indicators used include: starting business; dealing with construction permits; getting electricity; registering property; getting credit; protecting investors; paying taxes; trading across borders; enforcing contracts and resolving insolvency. Only three countries, Mauritius, South Africa and Tunisia are in the top fifty ranking.

Regional Infrastructure

The development of regional organisations and investment projects on the continent will improve the physical and market infrastructure significantly. It allows countries to pool resources to invest in infrastructure projects, create larger markets by giving preferential access, standardizes rules and disseminates market intelligence. This attracts foreign investors to countries involved that would otherwise not be keen to enter relatively small markets and allows for efficiencies and reduced unit cost for electricity, transportation, port charges, telecommunication services, water and goods produced. The problem is that regional groupings have often been political in origin not based on economic prospects but rather the “bandwagon effect”. Many countries are members of several groupings with conflicting policies in treatment of third countries and sometimes different regulations and technical standards governing the import of the same commodity from different sources. Overlapping memberships in the different regional groupings – and hence overlapping commitments – have resulted in duplication of effort and occasionally inconsistent aims. The result is that they have not created the necessary market or physical infrastructure

Policy Implications for Stakeholders

The infrastructure is the linchpin for development and Africa has huge untapped potential for its physical infrastructure. There is much room for improvements in its educational and governance infrastructure. There are huge benefits to be gained from regional cooperation. All stakeholders must make a concerted effort, including national governments, regional groups, donor countries, multilateral and aid organisations. Measures required are not unduly expensive and with modest investments there can be very high returns. The continent has vast quantities of oil and gas deposits and immense hydro and solar potential. It has been reported that the the hydro potential of the Democratic Republic of Congo alone is sufficient to provide three times as much power as Africa presently consumes. A recent study revealed that upgrading the road network would expand overland trade across the continent by about $250 billion over 15 years, requiring an investment of $20 billion for initial upgrading and $1 billion annually for maintenance. Indeed the situation is rather perverse; some countries with huge potentials making little use of what they have. Congo and Nigeria with substantial natural power resources have some of the lowest electricity generation. Gabon a major oil producer has one of the highest electricity tariffs. Nigeria in particular, is a sad case, largely the result of its political elite. This is the continent’s natural giant, with huge oil production that it has been pumping for over sixty years and huge hydro electric potential yet it still has one of the lowest per capita electricity consumption in the world at 121 kWh and availability of less than 5 hours per day.

African governments need to ensure that they implement appropriate policies and create and maintain the relevant governance infrastructure. This means having qualified policy making teams to devise appropriate policies and prepare and implement action plans and monitoring systems. Ministers and civil servants need to do the jobs and give the time that they are paid for. Monitoring systems should include mystery shopping in which teams are sent out to actually find out the ease and difficulties ordinary people and businesses face.

The aim should be to deliver credible and efficient services and minimize corruption. Targets must be set for the delivery of services, for example applications for visas, passports, construction permits, licenses and other documentations must have time limits within which they must be processed. Airports and harbours must have time limits when people and goods must be processed. Bottlenecks and issues must be addressed promptly. Governments must continue privatization programmes and where appropriate consider joint venture projects in roads, airports, telecommunications, harbours, water supply and other infrastructure projects. In such ventures or if such projects are fully privatized, the user pay principle will encourage investment and ensure proper maintenance. Governments must phase out subsidies to encourage investment, this is particularly the case with electricity where subsidies have not only deterred investments but tend to disproportionately accrue to sections of society that can and should pay for such services. Measures to ameliorate conditions for the poor must be carefully targeted to ensure that they really go to specific and/or poor households. In cases where infrastructure projects are privatized, measures must be in place to penalize companies if they do not perform according to the specified terms of reference.

In building the human infrastructure, with very scarce resources, governments need to priorities their education budgets. This means a shift away from the arts to maths, science and technical subjects at all levels but particularly at post primary school level. This does not mean that these arts subjects cannot be studied but students pursuing them must score very high grades to obtain state funding or pay for the privilege. Foreign investors and aid organisations must also assist in developing the human infrastructure. They should be given reasonable tax incentives to train staff and after a certain period punitive tax and other measures must be implemented if they have not trained and/or engaged local staff.

African governments need to do a lot more to implement regional infrastructure projects and develop and expand regional markets. The benefits are substantial if these regional cooperation projects focus on real economic issues and standards and rules are consistent. A recent report reveals that cross-regional collaboration could reduce electricity costs in Africa by US $2 billion per year.

Foreign donors, multilateral organisations and NGOs have a part to play in building the continent’s infrastructure. They should give high priority to infrastructure projects, either on a government-to-government basis or encourage private companies to invest on the continent through taxation and/or subsidies. They should make use of nationals (including the diaspora), African companies and NGOs in projects. The current debate over President Obama’s proposal that half of US food aid should be sourced from suppliers within or around countries where it is used demonstrates the difficulties that these partners face. Aid is often seen as an opportunity for producers and companies in the donor country whereas the long term goal must be for aid to improve markets and the infrastructure of recipient countries which in the long run will minimise the need for such aid.

The challenges facing the continent are not insurmountable but they require vision, leadership, planning and tenacity. Leaders must earn the right to govern which means developing and maintaining the infrastructure that will grow their economies and improve the lives of citizens. In a democratic setting they need to deliver to win the votes and admiration of their people. African leaders could take a leaf from Singapore and Malaysia, countries where the same parties have ruled for decades largely because they have built first class infrastructure that have resulted in very strong economic growth rates.

Media and Event Management Oxford (MEMO)

J Boima Rogers, M Sc Marketing

Project Manager, Events, Marketing and Media Management

Boima has been involved with the media for over twenty five years, writing for various publications and websites including Agra Europe, West Africa, Fresh Produce Journal, logafrica.com and local press in Bournemouth and Oxford. He was European correspondent for ProFarmer America. Boima has worked on several events, initially in marketing and PR, eventually as project manager for two large events, Winton carnival 2006 and Bournemouth World Food and Music Festival. Other events that he has worked for include Cowley Road carnival, Oxford, The Water Festival, Oxford, The Boscombe Arts Festival, Bournemouth, The Bournemouth Literary Festival

New laws guarantee press freedom


The Rwanda Focus

posted by 

05.05.2013

” Poverty is our problem…”

Local Government Minister James Musoni and Emmanuel Mugisha, the executive secretary of the Media High Council. (graphic Mike Musaasizi)

While certain international organizations routine­ly criticize Rwanda for a ‘lack of press freedom,’ media practitioners actually doing the job on the ground disagree, saying that recent changes in legislation such as access to information and media self-regulation are a significant im­provement.

“There is no information that is hided in this country. These laws opened up the media space, you can no longer say that you don’t have freedom,” said Marcel Museminari, the managing director of a local newspaper, Business Daily.

That is also the view of the Min­ister of Local Government, James Musoni, who is also in charge of the media environment. “The re­cently promulgated media-related laws, particularly the Media law and Access to Information law, are a testimony of Rwanda’s resolve to promote independence of the me­dia and access to information as essential components of good gov­ernance and preconditions for du­rable economic, social and political development,” he said in a state­ment at the occasion of World Press Freedom Day celebrated on May 3.

According to the Minister, the government is committed to sup­port the development of a free, dy­namic and responsible press. “Our intention is to support the develop­ment of a media environment that is sensitive to our past, responsive to the present and that keeps us ac­countable as we work to deliver a better future for all Rwandans,” Musoni said.

Yet this evolution goes all but un­noticed by an organization such as Reporters without Borders, which in its 2013 World Press Freedom Index ranked Rwanda 161st out of 179. Rwandan officials are not im­pressed.

“We believe that we made prog­ress, so we ignore this report be­cause it doesn’t help Rwandans,” said Emmanuel Mugisha, the exec­utive secretary of the Media High Council. To him, a bigger challenge might be a culture of silence among Rwandans.

Rwandan journalists and editors, too, said they worry more about the real problems they face, such as lack of financial means and invest­ment in the sector as well as limit­ed intellectual capacity, rather than the perceived ones cited by Report­ers without Borders.

“There is a problem of intellec­tual capacity, but that is not worry­ing to me because once the media climate is good enough to attract capable people, then the medioc­rity vanishes and the problem is solved,” Museminari observed. “Yet the economic problem is really still hampering the industry.”

That results in poor financial re­wards for media practitioners. Dr Margaret Jjuuko, PhD in communi­cation and media studies, and lec­turer at the School of Journalism and Communication at NUR, ob­served that journalists in Rwanda, like in many parts of Africa, work in a poor environment, and that their salaries are very low.

As a result, market forces too are a problem for the industry. “Com­mercialization causes challenges because it prevents media from re­porting abuses by the people who are advertising with their media,” Jjuuko explained.

Concerning freedom of the press as assessed by Reporters without Borders, she noted that the ranking really depends on how societies perceive notions such as freedom of expression and freedom of the press.

“This notion as a fundamental human right, in my opinion, should be defined differently in different contexts,” Jjuuko said. “The con­text of Rwanda is not the same as for example that of Canada, the USA and the UK. Nationals of those countries know how to deal with media while here in Rwanda, we are still struggling with people to even give us information; they do not provide information as sources, they still shun the media.”

Therefore, she thinks journalists in Rwanda need to work on build­ing their confidence and profes­sionalism to seek information and the truth from reliable sources. “We need to be professional, but also there is a need of sensitization of politicians to know in which con­text media operate, to start trusting the media much more than they do now and give them access to infor­mation,” Jjuuko pointed out.

In that context of professional­ization, the professor criticizes the new media law since contrary to the previous one, there is no lon­ger a requirement for journalists to have specific academic qualifica­tions.

“Every profession has its guide­lines, ethics, and code of conduct that require a certain training,” Jj­uuko explained. “People who are not well trained in journalism will not know these ethical guidelines, and this undermines our profes­sion.”

NEW MEDIA LAW

The new media law establishes a system of media self-regulation; article 4 provides the creation of an independent body to regulate the conduct of journalists and establish professional standards. Article 15 empowers the same entity to deal with the violation of journalists’ rights.

The law also recognizes the legal right of journalists to collect informa­tion; to confidentiality of journalistic sources; and to call on any resource­ful person to provide information. It also lifts some restrictions such as prohibitions on the use of unlawful methods to obtain or disseminate infor­mation; neglecting essential information; and distorting ideas contained in information or a text.

Kagame’s new team mates


President Paul Kagame reshuffled the cabinet this Friday 06 May 2011.

Here is the composition of the new Kagame government:

MINISTERS:
● Bernard MAKUZA: Prime Minister

● Dr. Agnes KALIBATA: Minister of Agriculture and
Animals Resources

● Monique MUKARULIZA: Minister for Eastern African Community

● Dr. Agnes BINAGWAHO: Minister of Health

● Sheikh Mussa Fazil HARELIMANA: Minister of Internal Security

● Gen. James KABAREBE: Minister of Defense

● Stanislas KAMANZI: Minister of Natural Resources: Land, Forests, Environment and Mining

● John RWANGOMBWA: Minister of Finance and Economic Planning

● Gen. Marcel GATSINZI: Minister of Disaster Management And Refugees

● James MUSONI: Minister of Local Government

● Aloysia INYUMBA: Minister in the Prime Minister’s Office in charge of Gender and Family Promotion

● Protais MITALI: Minister of Youth, Sports and Culture

● Tharcisse KARUGARAMA: Minister of Justice

● Venantia TUGIREYEZU: Minister in the President’s Office

● Pierre Damien HABUMUREMYI: Minister of Education

● Anastase MUREKEZI: Minister of Public Service and Labour

● Louise MUSHIKIWABO: Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation

● Dr. Ignace GATARE: Minister in the President’s Office in charge of Information Communication and technologies (ICT)

● Protais MUSONI: Minister in the Prime Minister’s Office in charge of Cabinet Affairs

● Francois KANIMBA: Minister of Trade and Industry

● Albert NSENGIYUMVA: Minister of Infrastructure

STATE MINISTERS:
● Dr Uzziel NDAGIJIMANA: Permanent Secretary in the ministry of Health

● Christine NYATANYI: Minister of State in the Ministry of Local Government, in charge of Community Developement and Social Affairs

● Colette RUHAMYA: Minister of State in the Ministry of Infrastrure in charge of Energy and Water

● Dr. Mathias HAREBAMUNGU: Minister of State in the Ministry of Education in charge of Primary and Secondary Education

****women hold 36% of Kagame’s cabinet!****

 

(Source: RwandaInfo_ENG)