By Jean Pierre BUCYENSENGE
That is the name that still sends the chills down many a people’s spine in the present day Ruhango District, formerly Ntongwe commune.
Photo: Hundreds of residents defied scorching sun to welcome Kwibuka Flame in Kinazi, Ruhango District, on Saturday. Sorce: The New Times/ JP Bucyensenge
For each chill the name gives the people, the opposite reaction is the longing for the day Kagabo, a former bourgoumestre (mayor), would be brought to justice. He remains at large, 20 years later.
Kagabo, who is believed to have been the leader of militiamen that executed thousands in his mayoral jurisdiction as well as surrounding districts, especially in the then Mugina commune, is described as merciless, cold, calculative and vicious in his plots to exterminate Tutsis.
Survivors in both Kamonyi and the neighbouring Ruhango District accuse Kagabo and Burundian refugees in the area at the time of being at the forefront of the killings there.
Kagabo is said to have come up with “an elaborate plan to kill Tutsis and executed it with utmost care and in minute detail.”
The Burundians in question were those who were sheltered at the Nyagahama refugee camp, in the then Ntongwe commune.
“They [the Burundians] were stationed there in preparation of the killings which they would eventually commit,” says Samuel Dusabiyumva, a survivor and the head of the committee organising the burial of some 60,000 area Genocide victims.
“It was a plan to have them near places considered strategic and where it was believed Tutsis could hide.”
Nyagahama is also the place where the Burundians were picked from, paid, offered free transport and promised other rewards by then local leaders to kill Tutsis who had gathered in the then Mugina commune.
“He was tactical in his methods. He first targeted rich Tutsis and intellectuals. He emphasised both quality and quantity [in his killings] methods,” Dusabiyumva says of Kagabo.
Other survivors described Kagabo as “a mischievous leader who used his skills to exterminate Tutsis.”
“He was like a chameleon,” Dusabiyumva says. “He knew how to approach militiamen to mobilise them to kill and he had the charms to approach some Tutsis to know where they were planning to hide or escape through so he could send his killers after them.”
Sources say Kagabo was a medical worker and that he was sent to lead Ntongwe commune in the build up to the Genocide.
“May be the appointing authority knew him as someone who would successfully execute their genocidal plan,” Dusabiyumva says.
The Burundians enlisted by Kagabo joined hands with militia groups, gendarmes and soldiers to exterminate Tutsis, according to testimonies.
“If Kagabo was not the leader of the commune, the killings would never have been at the scale we saw. I bet so many Tutsis could have survived,” says Dusabiyumva.
Survivors believe Kagabo is alive and at large, probably in DR Congo.
It is estimated that more than 60,000 Tutsis perished in the former Ntongwe sector. The victims are set to be given a decent burial at a new memorial site being built in the area.
Testimonies indicate that the Burundians had been trained and offered military equipment in the build up to the Genocide. They used traditional weapons, grenades and rifles to execute Tutsis, survivors said.
“What they did was unimaginable. They killed Tutsis in the most horrific of ways. What saddens us the most is that they are still free, going about their lives in their country. The government should do everything possible to bring them to book,” Marie Claire Niyomujeje, a survivor, says.
Jean de Dieu Mucyo, the executive secretary for the National Commission for the Fight against the Genocide, said efforts to track the Burundians and other foreigners accused of playing a role in the Genocide has been ongoing.
“I am confident that time will come when they will face justice,” he said.
Source: The New Times
A man accused by the Congolese Army of being a spy of M23 rebels is tied and taken away on July 16 in Munigi on the outskirts of Goma (photo AFP/Getty)
THE RWANDA FOCUS
22 July 2013
It was the strangest of sights: a group of 85 members of the Congolese Army (FARDC) crossing the Rubavu border into Rwanda. Yet instead of an attack, as one would expect considering the belligerent language coming from Kinshasa, the soldiers on Thursday came begging for refuge, after one and a half day of intensive fighting with the M23 rebels.
The men were received by their RDF colleagues, and handed over to UNHCR officials.
The event follows fresh fighting between FARDC and M23 rebels which started about a week ago in the areas of Mutaho and Kanyarucyinya villages, about 15 kilometers from Goma.
It wasn’t the only defection the FARDC suffered last week. Lieutenant colonel Rwabukamba Mugisha, one of its senior officers, likewise surrendered to the M23. The latter also managed to capture a Tanzanian called Christopher George, believed to be attached to the newly-formed UN intervention brigade, and who was found fighting alongside the genocidal Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in the Rucuru.
The fighting also resulted in the U.N. issuing an official complaint on Friday against mistreatment and mutilation by the FARDC of dead bodies suspected of M23 fighters, as well as mistreatment of detainees. In addition, secretary general Ban Ki-moon last Wednesday said that the UN was revising its support to the Congolese army units.
“The Secretary-General is deeply concerned about reports of alleged mistreatment of M23 detainees and desecration of corpses of M23 combatants by the Congolese armed forces,” Ban’s press office said.
“Monusco has launched the process of reviewing its support to FARDC units suspected of being involved in these incidents,” Said Ban statement adding that the Secretary-General calls on the DRC to bring the perpetrators of these reported acts to justice.”
The UN reaction follows an incident in which FARDC showed images of the corpses being pulled on their army pickups on the roads whereas detainees suspected to be members of the M23 rebels were also shown on DRC Television while being mistreated by FARDC. U.N. peacekeepers had reported the abuse of M23 rebels by the Congolese army and requested the Kinshasa government to investigate these claims and to hold the perpetrators of these acts accountable.
‘Not the first time’
Speaking to The Rwanda Focus on Friday, Rene Abandi, the M23 spokesman in charge of foreign affairs, welcomed the U.N. reactions to the FARDC behavior. “It is not the first time FARDC has behaved in such an inhuman way and we are happy that the U.N. has now shown concern about this serious matter,” he said.
Abandi also accused the Kinshasa government of not being responsible regarding the indiscipline and cruelty among the FARDC in the east of the country, saying that whenever they commit crimes, the central government says that it’s FARDC members who have to be held accountable even though they get their commands from Kinshasa.
“It is not the first time FARDC has behaved in such an inhuman way and we are happy that the U.N. has now shown concern about this serious matter.”
Rene Abandi, M23 spokesman in charge of foreign affairs
He called upon the international community and the Congolese people to speak the truth about the reasons behind the conflict in the eastern part of the country instead of telling lies. M23 began taking parts of eastern Congo early last year, accusing the DRC government of failing to honor a 2009 peace deal. That deal ended a previous rebellion and led to the rebels’ integration into the army, but they have since deserted again.
Abandi said that there is a need for the international community to always ensure that the DRC leadership is held accountable for the crimes committed by its army and that the culture of impunity prevailing among the FARDC is brought to a halt.
“The M23 will never agree to work with the Kinshasa leadership which is based on ethnic divisionism, unless they change their political agenda and respect all Congolese nationals irrespective of which region or tribe they come from,” Abandi said, adding that nevertheless they are still willing to have a dialogue with the government since it is the only way to bring peace and stability in the eastern Congo.
To complicate matters further, the M23 spokesman accused the FARDC of working with the FDLR, many of whose members have participated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsis. “The issue of the Genocide is an international challenge which requires to be addressed by all nations around the world and it’s in this regard that I encourage the international community to be concerned as to why DRC government is still providing a safe haven to the FDLR rebels who are genocidaires,” Abandi said.
The list of crimes by the FARDC doesn’t end there. In February, the United Nations also threatened to withdraw support for two Congolese battalions after soldiers raped at least 97 women and 33 girls, some as young as 6. According to a U.N. human rights report, the peacekeeping mission decided to keep working with the battalions after 12 senior officers, including the commanders and deputy commanders, were suspended and about a dozen soldiers charged over the rapes in Minova.
Provocative and deliberate
The arrival of the 85 FARDC soldiers in Rwanda is all the more surprising considering that on Monday, two bombs were fired from an area controlled by the Congolese army and Monusco into Gasiza and Kageshi cells, Busasamana sector in Rubavu.
“Two bombs landed at Kageshi and Gasiza Cells, Busasamana Sector, Rubavu District, Western Rwanda at 3.05pm,” RDF spokesman Brig. Gen. Joseph Nzabamwita was quoted as saying in a statement released by the government.
“This was a provocative and deliberate act by FARDC and Monusco since there was no fighting nearby between the warring factions,” Nzabamwita said, adding that there were no casualties.
However, in a press conference held last Wednesday in Kinshasa, Monusco flatly denied the allegations of “deliberate bombings” of Rwanda territory.
That drew an angry reaction from the Rwandan government, which said that the gratuitous denial by Monusco without prior investigations constitutes a dangerous pattern since it’s not the first time the UN force has denied verifiable attacks on Rwanda territory. The ministry of defense issued a statement indicating that proof of the attack had been verified by the Expanded Joint Verification Mechanism (EJVM).
In addition, defense and military attachés from mainly Western countries on Thursday visited the two Rubavu villages which were hit by the mortar bombs. The attachés included those from the US, Belgium, France, Germany and Tanzania. The envoys were also briefed by Joseph Nzabamwita.
In November last year, during the battle for Goma, FARDC fired 15 bombs into Rwanda territory, killing several civilians. At that time, too, Monusco kept silent and defended itself even when Kinshasa apologized for the bombing, which it said was done by undisciplined officers who fired without orders.
M23 fighters have previously also accused Monusco of lending a hand in attacking their group, but the force denied the accusations, saying the mission has only tried to intervene in the conflict for the purpose of protecting civilians.
“Monusco supports us in logistics. It assists us with combat rations, fuel … It supports us with its aviation when we need to fight the enemy. It also acts to evacuate our wounded at the front, even for moving the military,” said FARDC spokesman Col Olivier Hamuri in a recent statement.
MONUSCO Mortar Rebut Dangerous (The New Times, 18 July 2013)
The ministry of defence has denounced denial by the UN Mission in the Congo (Monusco) that mortar bombs landed on Rwandan territory from the Congolese side of the border this week, saying the rebuff poses a danger to civilians.
On Monday, the Rwanda Defence Forces protested what it described as “a provocative and deliberate act by FARDC (the Congolese army) and Monusco”, saying the two bombs that landed in Kageshi and Gasiza cells, Busasamana Sector in Rubavu District, originated from the area under Congolese army and the UN peacekeepers control.
Monusco yesterday denied mortars were fired on the Rwandan territory. [read all…]
Provocative Cross-Border Bombing From DRC ( Rwanda Focus, 15 July 2013)
Rwanda’s ministry of defense has confirmed the deliberate bombing today on Rwandan territory from a DRC area controlled by FARDC and Monusco.
“Two bombs landed at Kageshi and Gasiza cells, Busasamana sector, Rubavu District, Western Rwanda at 15h05,” said military spokesman brig-gen Joseph Nzabamwita. “This was a provocative and deliberate act by FARDC and Monusco since there was no fighting nearby between the warring factions. Fighting between FARDC and M23 started on Sunday, and we have credible information that FDLR is currently embedded in FARDC.”[read all…]
HER last tweet says it all. It is a short tweet but packed with a compelling message that brings out the values she so cherished in her life that was cut short at the age of 48.
She had a special passion for the wellbeing of children and family values; perhaps this explains why she began and ended her government career as minister of gender and family planning.
“We are committed to seeing all Rwanda’s children grow up in loving, caring families and not in institutions,” Aloisea Inyumba, then Minister of Gender and Family Promotion in the Prime Minister’s Office tweeted on May 4.
But no one knew that was to be her last tweet. Certainly not herself either. Yesterday, the nation was saddened by the news of her death. The soft-spoken but charismatic Inyumba returned to cabinet in May last year in the same position she held in the first post-Genocide cabinet.
She had spent nearly seven years as a senator. Prior to that, she had served as the executive secretary of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission and prefet (governor) of the then Kigali Ngali prefecture.
A documentation of her life shows that public issues were so close to the fallen minister’s heart, particularly children and family.
She had a family and children of her own, but proudly shouldered the unenviable responsibility to help save Rwanda’s family values from being extinct in the face of globalisation.
And she had the strategy. One of them was to encourage Rwandan families to get children out of orphanages and raise them as their own, a bold move that has already resulted in some orphanages closing, with the former occupants now in foster homes.
But she also sought to come up with what she described in another of her tweets as “an economic security programme for families, including access to finance, and new technologies”.
Inyumba’s story is synonymous with Rwanda’s rebirth and healing since the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.
But many of her friends recall a young Inyumba who abandoned the opportunity of a good job as a young graduate from Makerere University in Uganda to dedicate her life to the liberation struggle that brought the Rwanda Patriotic Front to power and ended the Genocide.
During the liberation struggle (1990-94), she was entrusted with the movement’s finances and was a community mobiliser who worked selflessly for the liberation cause.
Inquiries about her death began to spread on social networking sites Twitter and Facebook yesterday morning. Many Rwandans and friends paid a glowing tribute to the mother of two, describing her death as a great loss to the nation.
President Paul Kagame tweeted, “What a great loss in the passing away of A. Inyumba for RPF, nation and all of us at a personal level!!? Among the best of RPF & national leaders!”
And Rwanda’s High Commissioner to the UK, Ernest Rwamucyo, echoed similar sentiment on Twitter, “Inyumba was a truly dedicated, committed and selfless patriot. Rwanda, RPF have lost a leader, a patriot a mother to her family. RIP Inyumba.”
The UNICEF Representative to Rwanda, Noala Skinner, described her as “a friend, an inspiration and full of dignity and a true activist for women & children.”
Several former colleagues also spoke fondly of her.
“She was selfless, loving and caring, positive and active in promoting the RPF spirit, goals and principles in her different assignments. At a tender age, she made a clear choice and has since never turned back from the ultimate goal,” Rwanda’s High Commissioner to South Africa, Vincent Karega, eulogised the late Inyumba.
During her various responsibilities, she inspired many along the way.
“She inspired me very much as an RPF role model cadre when I was her staff at Migeprofe (Ministry of Gender and Family Promotion) and after. Inyumba is a big loss to many of us in RPF. She was a humble but steady freedom fighter, a committed cadre living by the patriotic principles,” Karega, also a former cabinet minister, said.
He added, “She was much known to the World from her duty as an extraordinary minister of gender full of passion and focus for change. Inyumba shall always be remembered in Rwanda and beyond as a true revolutionary and an extraordinary daughter of our continent Africa.”
Indeed Inyumba’s outstanding contribution to society won her recognition not just at home, but also abroad.
Earlier this year, she was named among the three recipients of the inaugural ‘Women have Wings Courage Award’ – the others being women activists Virisila Buadromo from Fiji and Chi Yvonne Leina from Cameroon.
The award is reserved for outstanding women from around the world living the courageous spirit of Amelia Earhart, the first pilot to fly solo across the Atlantic Ocean and was the first woman to receive the US Distinguished Flying Cross.
Inyumba was recognised for the “courageous strides she made to further the rights of all people in her country. ‘The Women have Wings’ team was impressed by Hon. Inyumba’s courage and determination to promote peace in her country. Her political work shines a light on the importance of women in government positions. The US has much to learn from Rwanda in this regard,” the Women have Wings team wrote.
From 1994-99, Inyumba served as the first Minister of Gender and Social Affairs in the post-Genocide Rwanda, and was instrumental in the immediate management of post-Genocide trauma and hopelessness.
During that period, she oversaw the burial of Genocide victims, the resettlement of returnees, actively promoted truth-telling and reconciliation, and spearheaded a national adoption campaign to place Genocide orphans in homes.
From 1999 to 2001, Inyumba served as Executive Secretary of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, during which time she played a key role in encouraging truth-telling and reconciliation as the country moved from transition to the development phase.
Later, she was appointed the prefet (governor) of the Kigali Ngali province before joining the country’s inaugural Senate in 2004.
Inyumba is credited for using her strong understanding of grassroots affairs to mobilise community-based organisations, the civil society and others to pull towards the general wellbeing of the people, particularly women and children.
In several interviews, she spoke highly of the Rwandan people and predicted a great future inspired by the people themselves. She always talked about the need to come to terms with the country’s difficult past and to build a better country.
In one interview in 2001, she said, “It’s a choice between life and death; the people of Rwanda have made a choice of living… We are looking into the future and the coming generation, not to be stuck in genocide; this does not mean that we forget, but it gives us a more kind of challenging life; what kind of life are you going to lead to ensure that the future is better and just for everybody, and that’s really where we get the inspiration from.”
As someone who twice served as the minister of gender, Inyumba was passionate about women empowerment and participation in leadership.
In 2010, she said, “I’m who I’m because of that background that I acquired with women at the grassroots, before I became a minister I was involved with mobilisation of resources with the communities; actually if you look at women in leadership positions today in Rwanda they came from the women NGOs, from the community-based organisations, they are people who were very much involved with the civil society, and today they are the ones who are providing the leadership.”
“What’s important is to stick to our principles; be honest, be active, be articulate… women at the grassroots are the force, this is a positive force; they need to be strong and need to know that they are the ones who made us who we are, we are products of the grassroots women”.
Inyumba was also a strong believer in family as the foundation of nation.
And it is these values that she stood for that will define her legacy.
She attended Rwamurunga Primary School in Nshungerezi before heading to Mary Hill Girls High School in Mbarara district, Uganda.
She later joined Makerere University in Kampala where she graduated with an Honors Degree in Social Work and Social Administration. Inyumba also held a Masters in International Relations from the Irish American University and the Swedish International Centre for Local Democracy.
She was also awarded an honorary doctorate from La Roche College in the United States.
And with the RPF members gearing for the party’s silver jubilee on December 20, there is no doubt that Aloisea Inyumba will greatly be missed on that day and so many years to come.
She is survived by a husband and two children aged 15 (girl) and 10 (boy).
May her soul rest in peace.
Source: JAMES MUNYANEZA, 7 DECEMBER 2012 for THE NEW TIMES
Let’s have a quick look to what the introduction of the euro led for Europe.
The creation of a single currency in Europe has been accompanied by some major changes in the institutional setting for fiscal policy. Ideologically the new institutional framework should have led to a change in the conduct of fiscal policy in the members of the euro area, which is what the AU hopes for by introducing the “afro”.
But it didn’t. Or not entirely.
The run up to the launch of the euro was already difficult and driven by strict criterias. Because this was a process driven by entry requirements, limited attention was paid to the long run optimality of these conditions.
With the introduction of the euro in January 1999 the issues became broader and moved from a matter of debate in the academic profession to a real time challenge for policymakers. Within the first years of the European Monetary Union (EMU), the framework for fiscal policy embedded in the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) has been subjected to many criticisms and has certainly failed to provide a credible framework for the conduct of fiscal policy.
Although the pact was intended to be conducive to an environment of discipline, coordination, and stability, its constraints became binding for several countries and presented challenges to macroeconomic stability and to the credibility of the pact at the very early years of the EMU.
[…]Longterm sustainability is central to the institutional setting of fiscal policy in EMU. For emerging markets, confidence in the sustainability of government budgets has direct effects on interest rates and economic performance. Many of the deepest crises in these countries have been characterized by large increases in the risk premium or defaults on government debt.
In developed countries, the concerns started with the increase in government debt levels in the mid- 1970s, and while these levels have stabilized or have even gone down in recent years, the uncertainty of the consequences of future demographic changes has kept the debate alive. The difficulty of governments to produce sustainable budgetary plans became known in the academic literature as the deficit bias of government. This deficit could be due to the common pool problem or the strategic behavior of politicians in power as they tie the hands of the new elected governments or it could be simply a sign of short sightedness of policies.
Under extreme circumstances, unsustainable fiscal policy plans can lead to a deterioration of credibility and the expectation that monetary policy will bail out governments by creating unexpected inflation. In the context of a shared currency it can be that this bias becomes stronger as governments do not internalize the consequences of their behavior on the credibility of the common currency. This could create externalities in terms of credibility or simply through interest rate channels.
While sustainability relates to the long term behavior of fiscal policy, it is connected in many ways to the discussions around business cycle stabilization policies. The lack of discipline in fiscal policy can make the macroeconomic management of the economy difficult.
Although the main concern of the EMU fiscal policy framework was long term sustainability, the implementation of the rules have led to debates that have focused much more on the cyclical behavior of fiscal policy. […]
Why the interest in monetary union in Africa?
There are two principal reasons for the enthusiasm for African Monetary Union—both of which transcend the conventional economic aims of higher growth and lower inflation.
First, it is clear that the euro’s launch has most probably stimulated interest in monetary unions in other regions. But in Africa, fiscal problems are much more severe and the credibility of monetary institutions is more fragile. If the process of creating appropriate institutions was so difficult for a set of rich countries with highly competent bureaucracies that have cooperated closely for more than 50 years, then, realistically, the challenge for African countries must be considered enormous.
Second, African Monetary Union has been motivated by the desire to counteract perceived economic and political weakness. For example, regional groupings could help Africa in negotiating favorable trading arrangements, either globally (in the World Trade Organization context) or bilaterally (with the European Union and the United States).While the objective of regional integration seems well founded, it is unclear whether forming a monetary union would contribute greatly to it. A currency that is ill managed and subject to continual depreciation is not likely to stimulate pride in the region or give the member countries any clout on the world stage.
Euro-area countries have much better communication and transportation links than African countries, so Africa may not expect the same gains from economies of scale and reduction of transaction costs, even in proportion to its economic size, that are expected to result from Europe’s monetary union. Because they are highly specialized, African countries suffer large terms of trade shocks, which often do not involve the same commodities and hence do not move together. Neither structural features of the economy nor available policy tools hold much promise for facilitating adjustment to these shocks. Labor mobility in some African regions is higher than in Europe but is still limited and politically sensitive. And currently little scope exists for intra African fiscal transfers.
“A critical question for Africa is whether the creation of a regional central bank can be a vehicle for solving credibility problems that bedevil existing central banks.”
The analysis, when applied to Europe, usually has assumed that institutional design issues have largely been resolved. In particular, the central bank can be insulated by statute from having to finance government spending. (In Europe, this is ensured by a no-bailout provision preventing the central bank from lending to governments, buttressed by a history of central bank independence, particularly in Germany.) The main danger is that fiscal policy may indirectly put pressures on monetary policy, although the euro zone’s Stability and Growth Pact was aimed at minimizing that danger.Considerable controversy surrounds the effectiveness of the pact—in part because several governments have breached the deficit ceiling—but there is no immediate concern that the European Central Bank’s independence is in peril. In Africa, however, the institutional challenges are much greater. Existing national central banks generally are not independent and countries with their own currencies have often suffered periods of high inflation because the central banks were forced to finance public deficits or other quasifiscal activities. A critical question for Africa is whether the creation of a regional central bank can be a vehicle for solving credibility problems that bedevil existing central banks. If so, establishing a central bank that is more independent and exerts greater discipline over fiscal policies than national central banks do may enable it to become an “agency of restraint” (in the words of Paul Collier, a prominent economist who has worked on a wide range of economic topics concerned with African development).
However, history tells us that such an agency of restraint requires other institutional buttresses and does not emerge directly from monetary union alone. In fact, the experiences of Africa’s two long-standing monetary or formal exchange rate unions—the CFA franc zone (comprising two regions, the West African Economic and Monetary Union and the Central African Economic and Monetary Community) and the Common Monetary Area CMA) based on South Africa’s rand—do not suggest that the existence of a monetary union per se is associated with a dramatic increase in regional trade and policy coordination. The extent of intraregional trade is greater than predicted by the basic gravity model in the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) and the CMA, while this is not the case for the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CAEMC). In the CFA franc zone, it took the severe crisis of the late 1980s and early 1990s to spur a major effort at policy coordination, leading to new supranational institutions. In the CMA, asymmetry in size gives South Africa the power to set monetary policy for the region. Explicit macroeconomic coordination is less necessary as the smaller CMA countries—Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland—do not have access to monetary financing from the South Africa Reserve Bank. In terms of macroeconomic performance, while the CFA franc zone has unambiguously delivered lower inflation than other currency regimes in Africa, the evidence on growth is mixed—depending on the period under consideration. However, the success and endurance of the zone is also partially due to the special circumstances of French support, particularly the French Treasury’s guarantee of convertibility embodied in the operations account. The CMA countries have also generally benefited from low inflation and there is evidence of per capita income convergence in the union.
Source: “Euro and Fiscal Policy”, Antonio Fatás, Ilian Mihov, Feb.2010, “A single currency for Africa (PDF)”
I found this article quite interesting… judge for yourself!
Rwandan prosecution is asking the United States to help investigate Paul Rusesabagina, a man wrongfully portrayed as a hero in the movie, Hotel Rwanda.
Based on the facts on the ground, unfortunately, Rwandan courts should not expect full cooperation from the USA.
First, this is a complicated case. It involves heavyweights with connections in Washington who, if Rusesabagina is found guilty, fear will be implicated.
Rusesabagina who owns a charity foundation, Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation, is UN Goodwill Ambassador with the same influence at the UN like former US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.
YouTube clip: Paul Rusesabagina talking about his Hotel (Interview)
Now, prosecutors in Kigali say his foundation has raised thousands of dollars in USA, Canada, Belgium, and other countries under false pretences.
According to the foundation’s website, the funds are collected to help lives devastated by poverty, illness, conflict, genocide and war. Rwandan authorities say they have no records showing that even a penny of these funds was sent to the country.
Regrettably, looking at the professional positions and history of those working with Rusesabagina, this case is more likely to die a natural death than to be prosecuted by Rwandan authorities with the cooperation of the USA. For example, Sean Tenner, the Executive Director of Rusesabagina’s foundation, was on US President Baraka Obama’s campaign team.
Currently, Tenner advises multiple African Diaspora movements in the United States that are against their home governments.
He served as Vice-President and Chicago Office Director of M+R Strategic Services, the public policy firm that helped launch the Save Darfur Coalition, an alliance of more than 180 faith-based advocacy and humanitarian organisations. Many of these organisations have continuously criticised President Kagame’s regime and have tarnished Rwanda’s image internationally.
Tenner was also part of the team that formulated a legislation involving the US in heavily advertised efforts to “end the genocide in Darfur”, a project in which the US has huge interests.
Other heavyweights with connections to the White House and the UN that are likely to resist efforts to bring Rusesabagina to justice include Brian Endless and Kitty Kurth. Endless is Rusesabagina’s Senior Policy Advisor. He is a faculty member in the department of political science at Loyola University Chicago.
He also founded and serves as the Executive Director of American Model United Nations International in Chicago, one of the largest collegiate Model UN organisations in the world.
Endless has worked with the UN for over 20 years. Endless acted as a consultant to the United Nations and UN issues for members of the US House and Senate. Do not expect this man not to use his strong connections to defend Rusesabagina. On the other hand, Rusesabagina was a mere hotel manager. He was never in politics, nor does he have experience in humanitarian work.
When you read official statements that Rusesabagina sent to the White House and US Senate, attacking Rwandan government and demanding the release of American lawyer Peter Erlinder, charged with genocide denial, and Victoire Ingabire, charged with forming a rebel and terrorist group, there is no doubt he is being advised by experienced and highly connected people.
Rwanda’s prosecutor Martin Ngoga said he has the Western Union receipts with Rusesabagina’s names showing he sent the funds via the money transfer company from San Diego, Texas, to Burundi and Tanzania.
Obviously, Rusesabagina does not work alone. There are people like Bob Walsh, Rusesabagina’s fundraiser.
Paul Rusesabagina getting the MEDAL OF FREEDOM RECEIPIENTS by former US President G.W. Bush
Walsh cannot fail to defend Rusesabagina. He is an attorney and has held high positions in the US government. Do Rwandan courts think they can pin down Rusesabagina? Think about this for a moment. Walsh is Legislative Director for Congressman Bobby Rush—a very influential man in President Barack Obama’s Democratic Party.
Rush has the distinction of being the only person to date to defeat Obama in an election for public office. Using his skills as a public interest lobbyist, Walsh can push his boss Rush to derail efforts by US authorities to help Rwandan prosecution in investigating Rusesabagina. Remember Rusesabagina has been in the public trying to convince people that Kagame is hunting him. This is enough reason to blackmail anyone trying to pursue this man.
The list of people expected to mount roadblocks is long. There is Kitty Kurth, Rusesabagina’s publicist.
Kurth is the President of Kurth-Lampe, an international public relations, political consulting and strategy firm.
Not only does Kurth-Lampe have close ties with Obama (the firm wrote his first major speech at the Democratic Convention in 2004), but also helped former Vice President Al Gore on media issues.
This could help explain why the Rwandan government has received stinging media coverage over the last couple of months, not to mention attacks by dissidents, subversives, and genocide deniers, including Rusesabagina. While the world believes that Kagame’s government oppresses dissidents, little does it know about the stings he receives from them.
Rusesabagina’s official reaction in the media (CNN, Reuters, BBC, AP, The New York Times, etc.) vindicates the expertise that he is provided with by such influential American corporations.
You do not expect an hotelier like Rusesabagina to receive such positive coverage from the strongest media corporations in the world where people like President Obama pleads for one.
Not one of the above media corporations has investigated or questioned him about these criminal allegations (funding terrorists and fraud).
Rusesabagina’s accusations that Rwanda is killing Congolese and is being funded by the UK, and his demands Britain should stop providing aid to Rwanda, have been repeated over and over in the media because of his connections.
No one has the audacity to make such strong allegations against a powerful nation like the UK on a public platform like CNN, and expects to remain untouched unless influential people are supporting them.
The fact that the US has not provided known evidence to Rwandan courts indicating Victoire Ingabire’s alleged terrorism operations is proof that Rwanda’s courts should forget about receiving any help regarding Rusesabagina’s case.
This article was published on November 16th (2010) by Magnus Mazimbaka in the The Independent.
YouTube clip and picture were added by me…
Israeli President Shimon Peres and the secret military document signed by him!
After secret South African documents have been found, revealing that Israeli President Shimon Peres has offered nuclear warhead to the apartheid regime in 1975 when he was Israeli defense minister, he strongly denied being involved in this!
Read the two reports…
Guardian.co.Uk, read about the secret document here
VOAnews. com , read about Peres statement here
researched 4u by mwoogie
This is a very smart comment by Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmicheal) (1941- 1998) (watch vid, link below!!!!)
In this contribution Kwame reflects on the New World Order. Talking about the new restitance of the obpressed, exploitation, justice & order and the new pride of the obpressed.
This vid’ is a bit older but still very topical. I think what he says here is smart because he has got an important point there: No matter how often and how long we try to put up some new laws and fight against the exploitation we will always find ourselves stuck in this vicious circle of setting new rules, which we have to break again if we don’t want to fail again. We have to understand that is not about justice but about reordering our world. We will never grow above ourselves as long as we let the “obpresser” rise up, as Kwane explains.
So how are we supposed to grow out of this circle?
REORDER our mentality, our dependance. We still are not controlling half of our ways. By letting the “obpresser” be our “helping hand”, our “role model” we confirm the place the obpresser gave us in this world. He extands (and destroys himself again), with OUR sources, while we just stay behind, split up in thousand little pieces, wondering where did we go wrong. The past is the past. But the methods havent changed. They even worse… Back in time, it passed from King to King, now we have 1000s who want a piece of the cake. We lost any kind of transperence. Any kind of trust. We have to reorder our thoughts, think what do we want for the next generations and how are we going to get it. Are we ready to fight? Because indeed there are no compromisses… There’s just a yes or a no!
watch the vid’
Posted on Tuesday 11 May 2010 – 16:19
Sir Ketumile Masire
A 60 member multidisciplinary group of observers from the African Union Commission will be arriving in Ethiopia on May 16 to monitor that country’s legislative elections scheduled for May 23. The Mission will be led by His Excellency Sir Ketumile Masire former President of Botswana.
see the whole article here:
okay, guys… I guess we’re all spoiled with untainted Hollywood Movies where the lights, music, Costumes, Make-up and everything is so perfect that sometime we actually even feel ashamed to look the way we look…
But let me show u a real manufactured african movie. Directed by Zimbabwe-born Malawian Scientist Charles Shemu Joyah the movie tells about a childless couple Kondani (Bennie Msuku) and Thoko (Neria Chikhosi), who adopt a child from an orphanage. They employ an orphan, Sungisa (Flora Suya), to look after the child. Later Kondani sexually abuses Sungisa and makes her pregnant. He asks her to have an abortion but she refuses and runs away to her aunts place. He follows her and tells her that he can support her as long as she does not disclose that he is the father. She agrees and in turn gets financial support from Kondani. When Sungisa gets a scholarship to study at university, Kondani conceives a plan to get his son into his home. He convinces Thoko that they should adopt another child and asks Sungisa to leave her son at an orphanage, where he and Thoko then adopt the child. Thoko has no idea that they have adopted her husbands son. However, six years later, things come to a head when Sungisa comes back to claim her child. Helped by her sharp-talking feminist friend and lawyer, Tabitha (Tapiwa Gwaza), she sues for custody of the child.
I admit for our spoiled eyes it might come across “cheap”, to dramatic, or even hyperbolic, but this could be a real story and I posted it because,
this is a moving story about sexual abuse; the rights of women; the triumph of hope over despair; and the enduring spirit of motherhood.
cheers, this was it for today,
I’ll see y@ll tomorrow with new stuff, new stories… just as I promised!
Have a greeeeat saturday, whoever you are, whatever you do!
Thanx for reading my Blog! peeeaz maz’
Five men in Burundi have been jailed for their part in the murder of 11 albinos whose body organs were sold for witchcraft.
Some witch doctors claim the body parts of albinos bring good luck in love, life and business.
Al Jazeera’s Yvonne Ndge meets albinos who live in hiding in fear of being murdered because of their condition
Attackers chopped off the limbs of a 5-year-old albino boy and pulled out his mother’s eye, killing them in the belief that their body parts would bring wealth and success, human rights activists said Friday. Those deaths and other attacks in Tanzania are part of a long pattern of violence against African albinos. At least 10,000 have been displaced or gone into hiding, and 71 have been killed in Tanzania and Burundi since attacks against them spiked in late 2007, according to the International Federation of the Red Cross.
see the whole story: